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The Tyranny of Merit: What's Become of the Common Good?-Michael J. Sandel

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A Times Literary Supplement’s Book of the Year 2020A New Statesman's Best Book of 2020A Bloomberg's Best Book of 2020A Guardian Best Book About Ideas of 2020The world-renowned philosopher and author of the bestselling Justice explores the central question of our time: What has become of the common good?These are dangerous times for democracy. We live in an age of winners and losers, where the odds are stacked in favor of the already fortunate. Stalled social mobility and entrenched inequality give the lie to the American credo that "you can make it if you try". The consequence is a brew of anger and frustration that has fueled populist protest and extreme polarization, and led to deep distrust of both government and our fellow citizens--leaving us morally unprepared to face the profound challenges of our time.World-renowned philosopher Michael J. Sandel argues that to overcome the crises that are upending our world, we must rethink the attitudes toward success and failure that have accompanied globalization and rising inequality. Sandel shows the hubris a meritocracy generates among the winners and the harsh judgement it imposes on those left behind, and traces the dire consequences across a wide swath of American life. He offers an alternative way of thinking about success--more attentive to the role of luck in human affairs, more conducive to an ethic of humility and solidarity, and more affirming of the dignity of work. The Tyranny of Merit points us toward a hopeful vision of a new politics of the common good.

Book The Tyranny of Merit: What's Become of the Common Good? Review :



Sandel communicates the key concept that in our modern meritocracy, we (both the liberal and conservative mainstreams) have tightly linked personal professional/academic success to moral value and social status, which leaves the “losers” in this system not only with less money and lower status, but also with the societal judgment that their fate is their fault alone, a personal failure.Sandel spends the first half of the book in philosophical territory (which he is most comfortable with), but I found it to be of somewhat limited value. It was strange to me how much he focused on Western religious tradition and philosophy, as if it were the source of the concept of meritocracy, when it seems obvious to me that global economic forces are creating versions of meritocratic systems in places like China.Once Sandel transitions from philosophy to economics and politics, I became more engaged. However, he does not provide new insights into how people are behaving within meritocracy, referencing other’s papers but not interrogating them deeply.For example, he stereotypes Trump supporters/populists as non-college whites who have lost out economically. But the strongest Trump supporters are non-professional economically successful whites. I wish he had addressed this demographic segment specifically, because I think they (successful small business owners) exist at the intersection of “winning” the meritocracy game, yet failing to reap the social status rewards that come with academic/professional credentials.Sandel also only briefly addresses the racism and related status competition that I believe is a powerful engine for white resentment in the US. Other books have been written on this topic, but I was hoping this book would be a synthesis of these two major drivers of social status—meritocratic success and racial privilege. These are my own hopes/expectations, rather than Sandel’s goal, so my disappointment in this gap is somewhat of my own making.I did find the book engaging, and with a number of very valuable insights.His framing of meritocracy in the context of Hayek and Rawls was very helpful to my understanding. In Sandel’s telling, both Hayek and Rawls view economic success and moral desert as independent variables—our market system should not be a judge of one’s moral value to society.In Hayek’s “free-market liberalism,” economic success is strictly a measure how well individuals operate in the market system, which should be held separate from societal merit. However, redistribution of these gains on a basis of merit would require government coercion and is therefore unacceptable.In Rawls’s “egalitarian liberalism,” the disconnect between economic success and merit/justice requires redistribution of the economic gains on a basis of societal merit, according to “the difference principle,” where the gains that accrue to the talented and lucky are redistributed to the less talented/lucky.Meritocracy differs from these two worldviews in that it collapses together economic/professional success with moral desert. Mankiw describes the idealized version of meritocracy: since “each person’s income reflects the value of what he contributed to society’s production of goods and services, one might easily conclude that, under these idealized conditions, each person receives his just deserts.”The fundamental problem of meritocracy, in my interpretation of Sandel, is that he, like Hayek/Rawls/Knight, recognizes that economic market success is fundamentally a function of luck: talent, culture, and even the capacity for hard work are all things that are not truly under our control; yet in our society, this success is interpreted as just and a measure of a person’s moral value and what they deserve—so the losers in this system are implicitly unworthy members of society.Sandel spends much of the book identifying how we attempt to perfect meritocracy, yet our idealized version of meritocracy is fundamentally flawed. He describes our society’s outsized focus on educational attainment as harshly judging those who do not flourish in that system, torturing the competitors in the race, and driving the winning parents to replicate their meritocratic advantages for their children.Meritocracy has replaced aristocracy. But, according to Sandel, instead of the recognition that the aristocrat’s fortunes are a function of the luck of their birth, and not a judgment of their moral worth, in a meritocracy, one’s station is explicitly a judge of one’s worth. One’s success or failure is not about luck, but a manifestation of one’s value as a human.Sandel’s final chapter, “Recognizing Work,” is his (pretty light) policy solutions chapter. He highlights policies by others including subsidizing lower-income work (kind of like an expanded EITC, though he doesn’t say this) and replacing income taxes with a tax on financial transactions. He makes no mention of a Universal Basic Income, making the assumption (in my reading) that market-paid work is the important work to reward (as opposed to unpaid elder or child care, of which he makes to mention). I don’t disagree with the policies he mentions, but “Recognizing Work” seems to me a failure to really address the problems of meritocracy or provide a vision for how our society should adapt its culture.If you’re interested in these topics, the book is definitely worth a read. I hope his next book will be the one I really want, a deeper meditation on relative social status in America and its role as a key political driver.
The goal of Sandel’s book is to divorce personal competence and choices from morality, life success and happiness. He uses a combination of false claims, selected news reports, distortions and collectivism to buttress his assertions. A major thrust is to claim that people do not earn what they achieve. Consider that successful people often come from wealthier families. True, but what he leaves out is that parents who are wealthy typically got their wealth partly due to their intellectual ability. Because IQ is heavily genetic, they tend to have higher IQ children who are more likely to get more education and to get into the better schools. (Admissions cheating is wrong but it is not the core issue). He claims that SAT scores are basically set by training for the test; this is false. Training has only a modest effect on SAT scores. He denies that SAT is a measure of IQ; actually, it is if you know the psychology literature. He is upset by the fact that social mobility is not greater, but mobility is heavily dependent on ability and effort. What about effort? He says that effort is determined by family environment, but there are no studies that prove that. Then he says you are lucky to live in a free society where you can prosper; yes, but so what? Everyone one in our country has the same freedom to make choices. Sandel’s bottom line: you did not earn anything. It is all determined or blind luck. Sandel’s goal is to induce unearned guilt in everyone who does well in life. To be consistent, of course, the author should not take credit for writing his book. The assault does not stop there. He claims that people who do better (winners) scorn and humiliate those who do less well and make them feel inferior. Who does this sort of thing? No one I have ever known. Most of us respect anyone who earns an honest living. The assault does not stop here. Making money, Sandel asserts, is not connected to overall moral worth and should be. Here there is a huge equivocation. In fact, anyone who earns an honest living is worthy of admiration regardless of their income; it is moral to take responsibility for your own life. But this is not acceptable to Sandel, because the best people by his moral standard do not necessarily make the most money. But what is his moral standard? Contribution to the common good. But what is the common good? Here Sandel gets quite vague because the common good is a dubious concept. If it means: the right of each individual to pursue their own happiness thru voluntary trade and association with others (as I am sure the Founding Fathers intended it to mean) ok, but he does not define it that way and clearly does not mean that. So, what is left? Sandel does not say, but it would have to be something like the greatest good for the greatest number. But this would simply mean mob rule; the greatest number could do, literally, whatever it pleased with or to the smallest number. Or, Sandel could mean, as a variant on this, the state will decide how much each person should be paid. This would then be what? The tyranny of the common good as defined by everyone but yourself. To avoid such horrors, the Founding fathers rejected democracy (unlimited majority rule) and created a republic with a constitution to protect the rights of every individual to pursue their own, personal happiness.so long as they respect the legitimate rights of others. The choice here is clear: it is Sandel vs. America.

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